globalchange  > 气候变化事实与影响
DOI: doi:10.1038/nclimate2370
论文题名:
Feasible mitigation actions in developing countries
作者: Michael Jakob
刊名: Nature Climate Change
ISSN: 1758-1130X
EISSN: 1758-7250
出版年: 2014-10-29
卷: Volume:4, 页码:Pages:961;968 (2014)
语种: 英语
英文关键词: Developing world ; Climate-change mitigation ; Climate-change policy
英文摘要:

Energy use is not only crucial for economic development, but is also the main driver of greenhouse-gas emissions. Developing countries can reduce emissions and thrive only if economic growth is disentangled from energy-related emissions. Although possible in theory, the required energy-system transformation would impose considerable costs on developing nations. Developed countries could bear those costs fully, but policy design should avoid a possible 'climate rent curse', that is, a negative impact of financial inflows on recipients' economies. Mitigation measures could meet further resistance because of adverse distributional impacts as well as political economy reasons. Hence, drastically re-orienting development paths towards low-carbon growth in developing countries is not very realistic. Efforts should rather focus on 'feasible mitigation actions' such as fossil-fuel subsidy reform, decentralized modern energy and fuel switching in the power sector.

Today's developed countries account for the largest share of global greenhouse-gas (GHG) emissions accumulated in the atmosphere. However, recent years have witnessed a rapid increase in developing countries' emissions, most prominently in China, which became the world's largest emitter in 2006. China's energy-related CO2 emissions per capita (7.1 t), even though still below the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) average, almost reached the European Union (EU-27) average of 7.4 t in 20121. If other developing countries follow China's carbon-intensive growth pattern, ambitious climate stabilization targets — such as the target to limit warming to 2°C above pre-industrial levels, agreed by the world community — are likely to become infeasible, even if industrialized countries were to drastically reduce their emissions2.

Analyses with large-scale integrated assessment models often conclude that mitigation costs for developing countries are relatively moderate3. Some recent studies have highlighted the potential positive effects of climate measures on economic growth4, 5, 6 and the associated promise to create new economic dynamism by means of a 'green industrial revolution'7. Despite these optimistic assessments of the possibility to re-orient growth paths towards 'low-carbon development'8, this Perspective argues that — although possible in theory — it is fraught with considerable obstacles in practice due to the central role that fossil fuels have played and continue to play for economic development.

The remainder of this Perspective is organized as follows. First, we discuss the historic relationship between economic growth, energy use and CO2 emissions in detail. The second part highlights major challenges to low-carbon transitions in developing countries, concluding that we need to be cautious in what can be expected with regard to low-carbon development there. Third, we discuss feasible mitigation actions, focusing on subsidy reform, decentralized modern energy access for rural areas and fuel switching in the power sector.

Socioeconomic development in the past has been closely correlated to energy use9, 10. As fossil fuels have traditionally constituted the major source of energy, there is also a close correlation between human development and GHG emissions11. No country has managed to achieve high levels of economic development without having crossed a threshold in final energy consumption of approximately 40 GJ per capita12, 13. Only one-quarter of these energy needs can be explained by subsistence needs such as cooking or heating14; an important part of the threshold can be explained by the energy needed to build up physical capital stocks, for example, infrastructure13, 15.

Even though per capita emissions in developing countries generally remain below the OECD average, they have been catching up fast, in particular in China. Not only for China, but also for other newly industrializing countries, economic growth is clearly identified as the main driver of rising CO2 emissions, especially for the 2000s16. A significant share of these emissions is released for the production of goods and services that are finally consumed in developed countries17, 18. However, observed flows of emissions embodied in trade cannot be interpreted as a sign of 'outsourcing' of emissions, and it seems likely that developing countries' emissions would have experienced a sharp increase even without trade with industrialized countries19. This trend of rising emissions in developing countries is reinforced by a global 'renaissance of coal' that has led to an increasing carbonization of the global energy system16. This implies that the historical relationship between economic growth and energy use, which is dominated by fossil fuels, also seems to apply to countries that have only recently started to industrialize and which seem to replicate the patterns of energy use and emissions observed in the past in today's developed countries — albeit at an accelerated pace20. This is illustrated in Fig. 1, which shows per capita CO2 emissions against the log of per capita gross domestic product (GDP) (the log is chosen to make dynamics at low-income levels visible). It is remarkable that this relationship is very similar for most countries. For instance, China's income–emissions trajectory very closely tracks the historical emissions of Korea, Japan and France at the same income levels. The heavy reliance on fossil fuels is, of course, related to their low cost (if we ignore their negative climate and environmental externalities, such as emissions and air pollution), wide availability and versatility to supply different energy needs in different sectors21, 22.

Figure 1: CO2 emissions and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita.
CO2 emissions and gross domestic product (GDP) per capita.

CO2 emissions per capita97 against GDP per capita (in US$, 1990)98 for selected developed countries (circles) and selected newly industrializing countries (squares) from 1900 to 2008 for 10-year intervals (when available). See Supplementary Information for a more detailed description of the data.

The evidence presented above suggests that developing and emerging countries can be expected to increase their emissions in the future. These observations have three immediate implications. First, a drastic transformation of energy systems towards low-emissions energy sources (such as renewable energy, carbon capture and sequestration, or nuclear) would be necessary. Second, poor and emerging economies would need substantial financial support to cover the incremental costs of low-carbon development paths, estimated to exceed US$100 billion yr−1 for a 450 ppm CO2-only target27, 28. Third, the within-country differences in incomes, consumption patterns and carbon footprints have an important bearing on the emissions intensity of economic growth and, hence, on policies that may be able to reconcile social and GHG reduction objectives. In this section we will discuss (1) the feasibility of large-scale energy-system transformations and thus emissions reductions, (2) potential financial transfers towards developing countries in the context of finance for climate change mitigation and (3) political economy issues.

Emissions reduction scenarios in developing countries. Given the strong link between energy consumption and economic development in the past, future growth of today's poor countries will require a large amount of additional energy. Steckel et al.13 have shown that climate change mitigation scenarios implicitly assume that developing countries will not significantly increase their current levels of energy use. In the light of the results described above, keeping energy consumption constant does not seem possible, as energy will be required for basic needs, infrastructure and other consumption goods demanded by a growing middle class in today's developing countries29. At the same time, developing countries are expected to shoulder a large and rising share of global mitigation. In ambitious mitigation scenarios (IPCC category I + II; ref. 30), the median share of emissions reductions (compared with the business-as-usual scenario) taking place in developing (non-Annex I) countries is approximately 60% in the near term increasing to 70% at the end of the century, as shown in Fig. 3.

Figure 3: Mitigation in different emissions reduction scenarios.
Mitigation in different emissions reduction scenarios.

a,b, Percentage of global mitigation carried out by non-Annex I countries in medium ambitious (a; IPCC category III + IV) and ambitious (b; IPCC category I + II) climate change mitigation scenarios as part of the scenarios considered for the IPCC Special Report on Renewable Energy Sources and Climate Change Mitigation33, 99. In total, 131 different mitigation scenarios have been considered including second-best (for example, delayed participation or constrained technology) scenarios. Boxes show the 25–75 percentile ranges, whiskers the maxima and minima, and the bold lines the median. See Supplementary Information for a more detailed description of scenario data.

As energy use is fundamental for economic development, and fossil fuels can arguably be expected to constitute the least-cost source of energy in most cases, it is not surprising that developing countries have so far refrained from entering internationally binding commitments to reduce their GHG emissions. Yet, several non-Annex I countries, including China, Mexico, South Korea and Vietnam, have recently announced unilateral emissions targets and the creation of emissions trading systems57. According to Ostrom58, a plausible explanation can be found in policy objectives that are not related to climate change, but that still contribute to mitigating GHG emissions as a co-benefit. For instance, in India, energy security considerations rather than climate concerns are likely to drive energy-system transformation59, and in Vietnam, energy efficiency and economic restructuring are regarded as the central aim of recently adopted Green Growth policies60.

For this reason, we argue that in the short term, mitigation in developing countries should be targeted at areas that promote important development objectives, such as improving energy access and energy security, reducing local air pollution and increasing economic efficiency. Furthermore, mitigation actions in developing countries need to be feasible along three dimensions. First, politically, as most mitigation options create winners and losers and may require potential losers to be compensated and public opinion mobilized. Second, institutionally, as many mitigation measures require fairly sophisticated institutional and administrative capacities (for example, feed-in-tariffs, cap-and-trade systems or participation in international mechanisms such as Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+)). Third, financially, as resource needs for mitigation efforts can be substantial, for example, when thinking of upfront investments of some energy technologies. From this set of feasible measures, those that have the largest potential to avoid or mitigate lock-ins into carbon-intensive development paths should be prioritized.

In the following, we discuss fossil-fuel subsidy reform, decentralized modern energy for rural areas and fuel switch in the power sector as examples of feasible mitigation options. A full assessment of their political, institutional and financial feasibility is not only beyond the scope of this Perspective, but also subject to a multitude of country-specific factors. However, previous assessments of mitigation options have highlighted the potential of these options to promote human development while at the same time reducing emissions. Although focusing on large emitters such as China, India, South Africa and Indonesia could be the most straightforward way to achieve emissions reductions, feasible mitigation actions could also contribute to limiting increases in countries such as Vietnam or Nigeria, which are at an earlier state of economic development, but whose emissions are expected to rise sharply in the near future.

Fossil-fuel subsidy reform. Low fuel prices cause important external effects, such as high local air pollution and related health effects. In the transport sector, which accounts for the second largest share of emissions in developing countries and is growing fast61, the costs of congestion add to these effects62. For the case of Beijing, Creutzig and He63 estimated that, at present, the social costs of congestion as well as health impacts each amount to more than 3% of regional GDP. Yet, not only do governments fail to internalize these effects, but fuel subsidies are still commonplace and impose high costs on state budgets. For instance, in 2011, Iran spent roughly US$65 billion on subsidizing energy consumption, India about US$34 billion and China about US$20 billion (ref. 64). The economic distortion (that is, the deadweight loss) related to subsidies for transport fuels (gasoline and diesel) have been estimated to amount to US$44 billion yr−1 in the ten countries with the highest subsidies65. Furthermore, fossil-fuel subsidies have been found to be regressive in the sense that the largest benefits often accrue to rich households66. However, distributional effects strongly depend on the underlying energy type and existing tariff structure. If increasing block-tariff systems are designed as a pro-poor pricing instrument in the electricity sector, removing subsidies could lead to substantial income losses for the poor67. Phasing-out fuel subsidies — or even starting to tax fossil fuels — would be highly effective in reducing fuel consumption and associated emissions. In a meta-review of studies from developed as well as developing countries, Brons et al.68 estimated a price elasticity of −0.84 for transport fuels. That is, a 20% price increase resulting from lower subsidies or a tax would decrease fuel consumption (and hence associated emissions) by about 17%. By considerably decreasing fuel consumption, fuel-tax reform would hence improve air quality as well as energy security, provide direct economic benefits and also alleviate pressure from tight government budgets. In terms of climate benefits, the International Energy Agency2 estimates that a complete phase-out of subsidies for oil products would reduce global GHG emissions by about 4.4% yr−1 by 2020.

Despite these significant benefits of subsidy reform, fuel subsidies of different kinds are still a common policy instrument throughout the developing world, with powerful interest groups blocking reforms69. This implies that there is scope for increasing support for fuel-subsidy reforms by better communicating the abovementioned benefits and lobbying against such vested interest70 (with a stronger role for the civil society, possibly supported by the international community). Furthermore, even if the effects of reforms were progressive (and more so if they are actually regressive), removing subsidies without providing appropriate compensation would actually leave the poorest part of the population worse off71. For this reason, it is crucial to establish appropriate compensation schemes that avoid adverse development outcomes and ensure buy-in of affected stakeholders. Good examples of successful compensation mechanisms include lump-sum cash transfers (Iran and Georgia), increasing public expenditures that benefit low-income households (Indonesia, Niger and Ghana) and strengthening social safety nets (Indonesia, Jordan and Moldova)72, 73.

Administering well-targeted compensation programmes may be the most challenging component of a policy package of fuel-subsidy cuts and compensatory policies, as the subsidy reform itself — or the introduction of fuel taxes — does not require highly developed institutional capacity.

Decentralized modern energy for rural areas. Globally, about 1.4 billion people lack access to electricity, and almost 2.7 billion rely on traditional sources of fuel2, in particular biomass, for heating and cooking. This creates substantial health impacts, estimated to amount to more than 1.6 million deaths and over 38.5 million disability-adjusted life years in 200033. In poorer countries or remote rural areas, off-grid low-carbon energy sources, for example, solar home systems and pico-hydro power stations, can be economically viable solutions to provide modern energy access38. Although measures to ensure access to clean cooking fuels, such as increased provision of liquefied petroleum gas stoves, may under some circumstances raise emissions, this increase seems to be negligible74, in particular bearing in mind that energy demand in developing countries has been largely met by increased coal use in recent years13. It seems likely that grid-based electrification would mostly imply expansion of carbon-intensive fossil technologies. Fostering decentralized energy access might be primarily motivated from a development perspective, but may nevertheless offer significant emissions reduction potential75.

Achieving total rural electrification and universal access to clean-combusting cooking fuels and stoves will require substantial additional energy-system investments, estimated to amount to about US$65–86 billion yr−1 (ref. 74). Arguably, most developing nations will not be able to meet these financing needs from their budgets, regardless of the associated development benefits. Rather, at least some part of it will have to be provided by climate finance. In view of the fact that energy access is increasingly acknowledged as a fundamental cornerstone of the Millennium Development Goals76 and initiatives such as the United Nation's Sustainable Energy for All77, some progress on this account seems to be within reach. Furthermore, recent research

URL: http://www.nature.com/nclimate/journal/v4/n11/full/nclimate2370.html
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标识符: http://119.78.100.158/handle/2HF3EXSE/4956
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Michael Jakob. Feasible mitigation actions in developing countries[J]. Nature Climate Change,2014-10-29,Volume:4:Pages:961;968 (2014).
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